'Sheikh Hasina Invited the Angel of Death Upon Herself’

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad is a lawyer by profession and the Secretary General of the Amar Bangladesh Party (AB Party). Although he was born in Khalishpur, Khulna, his ancestral home is in Babuganj, Barishal. He studied at Government Laboratory High School and Dhaka College before earning a law degree from the University of Dhaka. He later completed higher studies in law at the University of London in the United Kingdom and was called to the Bar in 2008. His political positions and public statements, both before and after the July Movement, have attracted significant attention. In 2025, he was elected Secretary General of the AB Party at its first national council.

Recently, he appeared as a guest on Asia Post’s interview series Alapon, where he discussed the achievements and shortcomings of the July Movement, the country's current political landscape, elections, the July Charter, and Bangladesh’s future. The interview was conducted by Rahat Rupantor.

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Asia Post: During the July Mass Uprising, your statement, “260 years after the Battle of Plassey, the people of this country will rise again,” deeply inspired the younger generation. We are now in July 2026, two years after those historic events. Looking back, how do you evaluate the achievements of July and the changes that have taken place since then?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

The real difference lies in the transformation of the dreams and aspirations of our younger generation. To be honest, there was a time when we had almost lost hope in them. We saw them as being preoccupied with football, cricket, concerts, and even drugs, seemingly indifferent to the direction in which the country was heading. This apathy among young people made the Awami League more confident, convincing them they could do whatever they wished.

At that time, the media had a major responsibility to expose the country's deep-rooted problems. Building the Padma Bridge, the Metro Rail, or the Dhaka–Mawa Expressway alone could never solve all of Bangladesh's challenges. That reality needed to be presented to the nation. Unfortunately, many prominent writers, intellectuals, and journalists abandoned that responsibility and instead became enablers of authoritarianism.

During that difficult period, our greatest responsibility was to remind young people of their history of struggle. No nation can survive without struggle. In our personal lives, we fight every day to survive—but where was our collective national struggle? When a nation loses its consciousness, it becomes the duty of political activists to awaken it with a powerful jolt. The July movement was, above all, a struggle for the younger generation to rediscover its identity.

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Asia Post: For years, this generation was criticized for being addicted to Facebook, mobile games, and YouTube. Yet those same young people took to the streets and sacrificed their lives to make the July uprising successful. What, in your opinion, brought about such a dramatic transformation?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

The first reason was self-interest. Human beings are naturally conscious of their own existence and future. When democracy or voting rights are taken away, many people do not react immediately because they believe they still have to go to work the next day to earn a living. But the quota issue directly affected young people's employment opportunities and future careers.

When they realized that despite having merit they could lose government jobs because of the so-called freedom fighter quota, frustration and anger intensified. Their determination to protect their rights turned into defiance when Abu Sayeed, Mugdha, and hundreds of other young people were shot dead on the streets. At that point, the movement was no longer just about quotas—it became a struggle for dignity and self-respect.

Sheikh Hasina essentially brought about her own downfall. A problem that had already been resolved in 2018 was reopened in 2024 through the courts. That decision reignited public anger.

Combined with soaring inflation, the absence of voting rights, what many perceived as Indian dominance, and the Awami League's misrule, it created a political tsunami. Once that wave of public resistance, led by young people, gathered momentum, no one had the power to stop it.

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Asia Post: Compared to July 2024, has your perception changed by July 2026? Do you believe the achievements outweigh the disappointments?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

Change is natural because people's aspirations always evolve with time. A student who performs poorly in higher secondary examinations may feel that life is over, yet ten years later that same person could become one of the country's most successful entrepreneurs.

Therefore, success cannot be judged solely in the immediate aftermath of an event.

Today, some people believe that major political parties have failed to fulfill their promises, creating a degree of public disappointment. However, we must not forget that a 17-year authoritarian regime has come to an end and that, for the first time in decades, what we consider Indian dominance has been challenged.

The struggle to fulfill our aspirations is an ongoing process. Change happens because people continue to fight for it. The relationship between the state and its citizens has always been one of constant tension. Those in power generally seek less accountability, while the public demands greater accountability.

Because citizens remain vigilant today, whenever power is abused people raise their voices, and in many cases the government is compelled to correct its course.

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Asia Post: How would you evaluate the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus? If you had to rate its first 18 months, what score would you give it out of ten?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

The interim government cannot simply be judged with a numerical score. They assumed office when the country resembled a sinking Titanic. When a ship is going down, the captain's first responsibility is to bring it safely to shore—not to decorate its cabins.

In my view, Bangladesh had never witnessed such a massacre in the past 800 years. People were killed with bullets purchased using taxpayers' money. The economy was on the verge of collapse.

Banks had almost no liquidity, and foreign exchange reserves had fallen to alarming levels. Under such circumstances, famine or civil war often becomes a real possibility. Yet under Professor Yunus's leadership, the country managed to avoid that catastrophe.

There was extensive online disinformation originating from India, while inside Bangladesh a large network of Awami League beneficiaries remained active. Keeping the country stable amid those challenges was the government's greatest task.

I believe Professor Yunus delivered results that were almost unimaginable. Even though a significant portion of the bureaucracy had benefited from the previous Awami League administration and numerous attempts were made to destabilize the government through continuous protests, he managed to keep the state functioning. I would describe that as a remarkable success.

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Asia Post: Just as the Awami League has been accused of using the Liberation War for political purposes, your critics argue that your side is using the July Mass Uprising as a political tool. How do you respond?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

We are not exploiting July; we are emphasizing facts. The Awami League turned the spirit of the Liberation War into political capital but failed to genuinely honor the freedom fighters.

They spoke of three million martyrs, yet could not produce even a list of 300 names. They claimed that 200,000 women were subjected to atrocities, yet no reliable statistics have been presented. That, in my view, is the commercialization of historical sentiment.

We do not want thousands of exaggerated or fictionalized stories. We want the names of every martyr to be inscribed at the National Martyrs' Memorial in Savar.

Those of us who stand with the spirit of 2024 believe in evidence and documentation. We want an accurate list of everyone who was martyred in July. We are calling for the July Charter and a national referendum so that the people's mandate is properly reflected.

Those who seek to sideline or erase July do not truly represent its aspirations. Unlike those who politicized 1971, the forces behind the 2024 movement will not repeat the same mistake.

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Asia Post: Recently, the BNP Secretary General said that the party does not believe in revolution. How do you view the BNP’s position and its current stance on the July movement?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

This reflects a kind of inferiority complex within the BNP. The party has been the principal beneficiary of the political changes of 1975, the anti-autocracy movement of 1990, and the 2024 mass uprising.

However, since the July uprising was not led solely by the BNP, they are trying to downplay its significance. Just as the Awami League used to believe that the Liberation War would not have been possible without the Sheikh family, the BNP now seems to think that anything outside its leadership is insignificant.

They are even refusing to ratify the July-related ordinances and are calling the referendum-related issues illegal. Yet, they are enjoying all the political benefits that emerged from July.

I call this the "business of July." If the BNP fails to embrace the true spirit of the July uprising and does not implement its declared 31-point reform agenda, it will gradually become disconnected from the people. Ultimately, its politics itself will be at risk in Bangladesh.

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Asia Post: The AB Party was highly active during the July movement, but your election results fell short of expectations. Does that mean the public did not accept your party?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

It should not be viewed that way. Bangladesh’s electoral politics has its own grammar. We still do not have a genuinely informed electorate; we simply have a long list of people who have turned 18 and are eligible to vote. In such a system, people with money and muscle power often receive more votes than honest individuals. We are practicing the "politics of consciousness," not the politics of power. We are planting the dream of a new Bangladesh in the minds of young people.

The political narratives we have introduced—such as "Bangladesh First" and "Reforms for a Second Republic"—are now being discussed across the country. We are not fighting merely to gain power; we are fighting to transform the thinking of an entire nation. The success of this politics of consciousness cannot be measured solely by election results. Our vision is much more long-term.

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Asia Post: How likely is it that the Awami League will return to politics? Sheikh Hasina recently said in an interview that she intends to return to Bangladesh.

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

Politically, the Awami League is a dead force. History shows that no force defeated in a war or a mass uprising has ever made an effective political comeback. One only has to look at the examples of the Muslim League or the Jatiya Party.

The Awami League may continue to exist on paper as a registered political party, but it no longer has a place in the hearts of the people. Sheikh Hasina will certainly return to Bangladesh, but she will do so to face trial and, ultimately, the gallows.

Individual Awami League members will retain their rights as citizens, but the party itself will no longer be able to pose a threat to Bangladesh’s security. Over time, its supporters will gradually merge into other parties or new political movements.

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Asia Post: What should Bangladesh’s future relationship with India look like? Is the growing anti-India sentiment among young people justified?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

We are not against India; we are against Indian hegemony. Our relationship should be based on mutual respect and national interests. For the past 56 years, India has violated our sovereignty, killed people along the border, and denied us our fair share of transboundary river water.

It sought to establish its dominance in Bangladesh by using the Awami League as a proxy. India has built barriers affecting water flow in our five shared rivers, which violates international law. It often promises to supply us with potatoes, onions, or rice but fails to fulfill those commitments.

Yet Bangladesh can function perfectly well without India. Did we collapse after cattle imports from India stopped? On the contrary, our farmers became more self-reliant.

The idea that Bangladesh cannot survive without India is simply wrong. In fact, without Bangladesh, the economy of India’s Seven Sisters region would face significant challenges. We want a relationship based on dignity. If India believes it can dictate terms to Bangladesh, the young generation of this country will not accept that.

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Asia Post: What kind of relationship should Bangladesh have with Pakistan? Some argue that maintaining close ties with Pakistan contradicts the spirit of the Liberation War.

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

Relations between states should be guided by national interests. Should we continue to carry the hostility of a war that took place 55 years ago forever? France and Germany fought devastating wars during World War II, yet today they maintain close relations and even have embassies in the same diplomatic district.

Britain ruled and exploited us for 190 years, yet studying in the UK is now considered a matter of pride. So why should there be any obstacle to maintaining normal diplomatic and trade relations with Pakistan?

For our national security, it is essential to maintain good relations with countries such as China, Türkiye, and Pakistan. Pakistan is willing to provide us with air defense equipment, something India would never offer. To survive and prosper, Bangladesh must maintain relations with all states.

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Asia Post: Some of your remarks regarding the observance of Victory Day on December 16 sparked controversy. How do you respond to the criticism?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

I have called for a fresh reading of history. General M.A.G. Osmani, the Commander-in-Chief of Bangladesh’s Liberation Forces, was not present at the surrender ceremony on December 16. He was allegedly prevented from attending by India, and even his aircraft was reportedly fired upon.

If you look at the famous photograph of the surrender, it appears to be a war between India and Pakistan. Where is Bangladesh in that image? India had even appointed district commissioners in 19 districts at the time.

Did we truly achieve victory that day, or did we become an Indian colony for a few months? Our real victory came when, following Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s demand, Indian troops were compelled to leave Bangladesh. We need an open discussion about these ambiguous chapters of history.

For the past 50 years, we have been burdened with what I consider a distorted version of history, and that has contributed to the dependent mindset we see today.

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Asia Post: Your outspoken views sometimes make even your political allies uncomfortable. Do you believe this puts you at greater personal risk?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

I am not concerned about who feels uncomfortable. I believe it is essential for a nation to know its true history. If we do not want to become another Sikkim or Hyderabad, we must relearn our history. In 2019, I left behind a comfortable life in Europe and returned to Bangladesh during a period of authoritarian rule to continue this struggle.

I was threatened with enforced disappearance by the DGFI and NSI, but I was not intimidated. I am not working for power; I am working to awaken political consciousness. I am not someone who will run away. I am prepared to face the gallows if necessary, but I will not stop speaking what I believe to be the truth.

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Asia Post: What are your plans for the future? What message would you like to give to young people?

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad:

My goal is to politically educate an entire generation—to change the lens through which young people see their society and the state. We are building a new political narrative, and its impact will emerge gradually over time. In the end, it is the people of Bangladesh who will decide whether they accept our vision.

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Asia Post: Thank you for your time.

Barrister Asaduzzaman Fuad: Thank you as well. Take care.